Special Report: Porn by Klein, M. & R. Dixon (2010)
Does porn cause violence against women? For several decades, social scientists have been studying pornography to answer this question. This special report: Porn by Klein, M. & R. Dixon (2010) sets the record straight.
Academic Studies from the 1980’s
Malamuth and Ceniti (1986) examined the long-term effects of repeated exposure to violent and non-violent pornography on males’ propensity for laboratory aggression against women. 42 subjects initially completed questionnaires which established their likelihood to commit rape. Over a 4-week period, the subjects were exposed to violent pornography (6 films, 2 readings), non-violent pornography (6 films, 2 readings) or no pornography (control group). At the end of the four weeks, subjects participated in an experiment where aggression was assessed within a Buss paradigm. The results detailed that pornography whether violent or non-violent, did not influence aggressiveness toward women or increase the likelihood of rape over the long term.
Linz, Donnerstein and Penrod (1988) investigated the effects of emotional desensitization to violence against women on film and the effects of sexually explicit and non-explicit films on individual beliefs about rape, and the sexual objectification of women. 156 male college students viewed two or five films from one of the following categories: R-rated non-violent teenage orientated films, X-rated pornographic films that were non-violent, or R-rated violent or ‘slasher’ films. At the end of each exposure, affective reactions and cognitive perceptions were measured. Later, the participants viewed a complete rape trial; they completed a questionnaire before and after the trial to determine their Rape Empathy Scale and Rape Myth Acceptance Scale amongst other measures. Participants exposed to the R-rated violent or ‘slasher’ films depicting violence against women, exhibited a tendency to be less sympathetic to the rape victim portrayed in the trial, and less empathetic to rape victims in general. Participants exposed to R-rated nonviolent teenage orientated films or X-rated pornographic films that were non-violent, displayed no statistically significant main effects or interactions on the pretrial questionnaire scales assessing: rape myth acceptance, the belief in women as sexual objects, the endorsement of force in sexual relations, rape myth acceptance, the endorsement of conservative sex roles, or the post-trial assessments of the victim, defendant, verdict or sentence.
Padgett, Brislin-Slütz and Neal (1989) assessed the effects of pornography and erotica upon 184 college students’ and 20 adult theatre patrons’ attitudes toward women using a questionnaire. Adult theatre patrons, who viewed the largest quantity of pornography, were found to have more favorable attitudes toward women than college students. Neither adult theatre patrons’ nor the college students’ attitudes toward women were negatively affected by viewing pornography or erotica. “No support was found for the belief that exposure to erotica results in less favorable attitudes toward women and women’s issues” (Padgett, Brislin-Slütz, & Neal, 1989, p. 489).
Academic Studies from the 1990’s
Becker and Stein (1991) found that sexually explicit materials played no role in the commission of a sexual crime by adolescent male sex offenders. Alcohol and sexual abuse were highlighted as playing a role in the commission of sexual crimes by adolescent male sex offenders.
Kutchinsky (1991) analyzed whether there was a causal connection between pornography consumption and rape. Rape statistics from the preceding twenty years were gathered from four countries; Denmark, Sweden, West Germany and the United States. “In sum, the aggregate data on rape and other violent or sexual offences from four countries where pornography has become widely and easily available during the period we have dealt with would seem to exclude, beyond any reasonable doubt, that this availability has had any detrimental effects in the form of increased sexual violence” (Kutchinsky, 1991, p. 62). Rather than being a blueprint for rape, Kutchinsky viewed pornography as a tool for self-release.
Fisher and Grenier (1994) conducted two experiments investigating the effects of violent pornography on men’s attitudes, fantasies and behavior toward women. Experiment 1 investigated the effects of violent pornography exposure on men’s attitudes and fantasies about women. 65 male college students were exposed to a film involving; a violent male-female sexual interaction that ended with a positive outcome for the female; a violent male-female interaction that ended with a negative outcome for the female; or a non-violent male-female sexual interaction. Direct exposure to violent pornography had no effect on the subjects’ attitudes toward women; this included acceptance of interpersonal violence against women and the acceptance of rape myths. Furthermore, direct exposure to violent pornography did not influence any of the men to fantasize about rape. “These observations are consistent with the conclusion that exposure to violent pornography, as often studied in this research area, are not a reliable cause of antiwoman fantasies or antiwoman attitudes” (Fisher & Grenier, 1994, p. 32). Experiment 2 investigated the effects of violent pornography exposure on male subjects’ aggressive behavior toward women. Results “demonstrated that even when men are provoked verbally and physically by a woman, and exposed to violent, positive outcome pornography, they chose to engage in little and arguably no laboratory aggression against the female provoker, when nonaggressive response options were open to them” (Fisher & Grenier, 1994, p. 34). Experiments 1 and 2 consistently demonstrated that exposure to violent pornography is not a reliable cause of anti-woman thoughts, acts or attitudes.
Davies (1997) investigated whether men who rented more pornographic videos (X-rated) developed more negative attitudes toward feminism and whether there was an increased likelihood of them condoning violence toward women when compared to men who rented fewer pornographic videos (X-rated). 194 men from a large U.S. metropolitan county who rented X-rated pornographic videos from a single establishment were studied. The men were compared on their attitudes regarding marital rape, appropriate punishment for date rape, a law against marital rape and the Equal Rights Amendment. It was found, that there was no correlation between the number of pornographic videos that a man rented and his attitudes toward rape and feminism.
Diamond and Uchiyama (1999) investigated the effect of pornography on rape and sex crimes in Japan from 1972 to 1995. Their findings were similar to those found in Denmark, Sweden, West Germany and the United States; as the quantity and availability of pornography increased, the number of sex crimes in all categories decreased. Sex crime statistics from Japan detail that in 1972, there were 4,677 rape victims, 3,692 in 1975, 2,610 in 1980, 1,802 in 1985, 1,548 in 1990 and 1500 in 1995; a marked decrease mirrored in all other sex crime categories whilst the population increased by 20% in the same time period. “Despite the absence of evidence, the myth persists that an abundance of sexual explicit material invariably leads to an abundance of sexual activity and eventually rape…Indeed, the data we report and review suggest the opposite. The absence of any positive correlations in our findings, and from results elsewhere, between an increase in available pornography and the incidence of rape or other sex crime, is prima facie evidence that no link exists” (Diamond & Uchiyama, 1999, p. 15).
Academic Studies from the 2000’s
Garos, Beggan, Kluck and Easton (2004) examined the effect of exposure to pornography upon sexism. Study 1 analyzed 91 male and 40 female college students and used the: Exposure to Sexual Materials Questionnaire (ESMQ); Old-Fashioned Sexism Scale (OFSS), Modern Sexism Scale (MSS) and the Attitudes Toward Women Scale (ATWS). Participants that viewed pornography the most displayed less sexist attitudes; there was an inverse relationship between pornography usage and modern sexism.
McKee (2007) surveyed 1,023 Australian pornography consumers to quantify their attitudes toward women. The results demonstrated that there was no relationship between the amount of pornography consumed and consumers’ attitudes toward women. Factors that did influence consumers’ attitudes toward women negatively included: being a man, having a low level of formal education, living in a rural area, voting for a right-wing political party, and being older.
Hald and Malamuth (2007) studied the self-perceived effects of hardcore pornography consumption in Denmark. 688 participants aged 18-30 years were surveyed using the Pornography Consumption Questionnaire (PCQ); 313 Danish men of mean (SD) age 24.64 (3.76) years and 372 Danish women of mean (SD) age 24.39 (3.72). With the exception of a higher level of education, participants were found to be representative of the Danish population. Men and women reported small to moderate positive effects of hardcore pornography consumption on their sex lives, attitudes toward sex, sexual knowledge, perception and attitudes, life in general and little, if any negative effects. For both genders, increased pornography consumption was correlated with positive effects.
Conclusion
Does porn cause violence against women? Absolutely not, there is no link between the consumption of violent or non-violent pornography and the increased likelihood of rape, sexual crimes or aggression towards women. Identified factors which do cause violence against women include alcohol and sexual abuse feedbacks. Factors which increase sexism include poor education, older age, residential location and conservative values. It is time for society to stop heaping all of its sins, upon the convenient scapegoat of pornography. Citizens have a moral decision to make, will they support pornography which lowers rape and sexual crime frequency in a cathartic manner or will they support an ideological position against pornography; that if fulfilled would increase sexual crime and rape in our society.
References
Becker, J., & Stein, R. M. (1991). Is Sexual Erotica Associated With Sexual Deviance in Adolescent Males? International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 85-95.
Davies, K. A. (1997). Voluntary Exposure to Pornography and Men's Attitudes Toward Feminism and Rape. The Journal of Sex Research, 131-137.
Diamond, M., & Uchiyama, A. (1999). Pornography, Rape and Sex Crimes in Japan. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 1-22.
Fisher, W. A., & Grenier, G. (1994). Violent Pornography, Antiwoman Thoughts and Antiwoman Acts: In Search Of Reliable Effects. The Journal of Sex Research, 23-38.
Garos, S., Beggan, J., Kluck, A., & Easton, A. (2004). Sexism and Pornography Use: Toward Explaining Past (Null) Results. Journal of Psychology & Sexual Behavior, 69-96.
Hald, G. M., & Malamuth, N. M. (2007). Self-Perceived Effects of Pornography Consumption. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 614-625.
Kutchinsky, B. (1991). Pornography and Rape: Theory and Practice? International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 47-64.
Linz, D. G., Donnerstein, E., & Penrod, S. (1988). Effects of Long-Term Exposure to Violent and Sexually Degrading Depictions of Women. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 758-768.
Malamuth, N. M., & Ceniti, J. (1986). Repeated Exposure to Violent and Nonviolent Pornography: Likelihood of Raping Ratings and Laboratory Aggression Against Women. Aggressive Behavior, 129-137.
McKee, A. (2007). The Relationship between Attitudes Toward Women, Consumption of Pornography, and Other Demographic Variables in a Survey of 1,023 Consumers of Pornography. International Journal of Sexual Health, 31-45.
Padgett, V. R., Brislin-Slütz, J. A., & Neal, J. A. (1989). Pornography, Erotica, and Attitudes Toward Women: The Effects of Repeated Exposure. The Journal of Sex Research, 479-491.